Inquietante
Non si vede
Prova ora
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"Tommy Robinson takes the mic and gives an unhinged speech at the “Unite the Kingdom rally” and says that 66% of the murders in the US last year were committed by illegal immigrants.
This is completely fabricated. No US crime database shows illegal immigrants committing anywhere near 66% of murders.
He uses this made-up statistic to declare that the UK need “their own ICE.”
Lascio il solito Phastidio del sabato in cui al solito parla di politica estera 
A quasi due mesi dalle elezioni, situazione ancora incerta in Danimarca:
Lunedì sono ricominciate le trattative per la formazione di un governo ora affidate al nuovo kongelig undersøger Troels Lund Poulsen. Il leader di Venstre non fa nulla per nascondere la difficoltà del compito affidatogli: ha infatti solo 14 giorni di tempo a disposizione per verificare se esistono le condizioni politiche per la nascita di un governo, in un contesto parlamentare altamente frammentato.
Troels Lund ha scelto di affrontare il suo incarico partendo dal confronto sui contenuti politici, piuttosto che dalle possibili coalizioni di governo. Durante la settimana ha infatti incluso una vasta gamma di temi politici nelle discussioni con i vari leader di partito.
Per il leader di Venstre la condizione preliminare per qualsiasi accordo è però la sostenibilità economica delle riforme: le numerose richieste dei partiti come acqua potabile pulita, rafforzamento della difesa, transizione verde, indipendenza energetica e competitività del Paese richiedono un’economia forte e sana e, secondo Troels Lund, non tutti i partiti si impegnano a guidare una politica economica responsabile.
Troels Lund Poulsen ha avviato i colloqui esplorativi all’Hotel Scandic Spectrum di Kalvebod Brygge, incontrando tutti i partiti del Folketing e i mandati nordatlantici.
Anche Mette Frederiksen si è presentata, senza poi fermarsi a parlare con i giornalisti. Inger Støjberg (Danmarksdemokraterne ) ha detto di volere fermamente uno statsminister conservatore. Morten Messerschmidt (DF ) ha invece ribadito che è pronto a far cadere qualsiasi governo in cui sia presente Lars Løkke. Le condizioni che il leader di DF pone per sostenere l’eventuale governo sono: chiusura del centro di espulsione di Kærshovedgård, più espulsioni che accoglienze, anche in deroga alle convenzioni internazionali (“la Danimarca è più importante delle convenzioni”) e rimpatrio degli stranieri condannati già alla prima sentenza. Messerschmidt si è detto ottimista: ritiene che Venstre , nonostante quanto promesso in campagna elettorale, potrà convergere sulle sue posizioni.
SF , Enhedslisten e Alternativet non si aspettano altri incontri con Venstre . La distanza nella politica economica è troppo grande. Tutti e tre i partiti sono andati alle elezioni con la proposta di aumentare tasse e imposte ed è l’opposto di ciò che vuole Venstre , dice Troels Lund.
Nel frattempo Venstre ha annunciato il proprio sostegno a un divieto nazionale sui pesticidi, segnando una svolta significativa nella posizione del partito. Durante la campagna elettorale, Venstre aveva respinto l’idea di un divieto nazionale – condizione essenziale per la formazione di un governo con i Socialdemocratici – preferendo soluzioni locali e accordi volontari con il settore agricolo nell’ambito del grønne trepartsaftale.
Secondo diversi osservatori politici, la linea precedente era considerata difficile da comunicare e politicamente vulnerabile alle critiche. Il nuovo orientamento consente al partito di rimuovere uno dei principali ostacoli nei negoziati per un possibile governo di centro o di larga coalizione.
Troels Lund Poulsen continuerà le trattative con sette partiti: Socialdemokratiet , Dansk Folkeparti , Liberal Alliance , Danmarksdemokraterne , Konservative , Radikale Venstre e Moderaterne . L’obiettivo è chiaro: trovare una base politica al centro, senza dipendere dalle ali estreme. Ma le contraddizioni interne al cosiddetto “blocco blu”, con Messerschmidt che pone condizioni molto ferme, rendono il percorso tutt’altro che lineare.
As negotiations resume on Monday morning, Troels Lund Poulsen faces the hardest task in Danish politics: turning a fragmented Folketing into a workable government. The Venstre leader has taken over as royal investigator , but the change of negotiator has not removed the contradictions that made the first round of talks fail.
In this article we will try to focus on the task now facing Lund Poulsen. Three broad scenarios are being discussed in Danish politics. All of them are possible on paper. None of them looks easy.A blue government would need unstable support
The most direct option for Lund Poulsen is to test whether Denmark can get a blue government built around Venstre, Liberal Alliance, the Conservatives, Danmarksdemokraterne and Dansk Folkeparti, with support from the remaining right-wing seats.
This would match the demand from parts of the right for a government without the Social Democrats (Socialdemokratiet). It would also allow Venstre to claim that the change of negotiator has produced a real alternative.
But this is the most fragile scenario. The blue camp is not cohesive. Borgernes Parti has already lost half of its parliamentary group after entering the Folketing, and several independent MPs now sit on the outer right. Building a government that depends on such a fluid parliamentary base would be risky from the start.
There is also the problem of the Moderates (Moderaterne). Lars Løkke Rasmussen’s party was created as a rejection of bloc politics and of governments dependent on the political extremes. A right-wing government resting heavily on Dansk Folkeparti or unstable independent mandates would sit uneasily with that identity.
The blue scenario is therefore the clearest politically, but also the hardest to stabilise.A blue-plus-centre model runs into ideological walls
A second option would be to reduce dependence on the outer right by bringing Radikale Venstre (Social Liberals) into the equation. In numerical terms, this could make a centre-right project more stable.
Politically, however, it is extremely difficult. Radikale Venstre and Dansk Folkeparti (Danish People’s Party) have been among the sharpest opponents in Danish politics for decades, especially on immigration, integration and Europe.
This model would therefore require parties with fundamentally different views to support the same government. It would also require Dansk Folkeparti to accept a more centrist line, or Radikale Venstre to tolerate a government supported by parties it strongly opposes on core issues.
The result is a scenario that may work in a seat calculator, but looks far less credible as a governing project.A broad centre government is the most logical, and the hardest to sell
The third scenario is the one closest to Lars Løkke Rasmussen’s long-standing preference: a broad government across the centre, potentially involving Socialdemokratiet, Venstre, Moderaterne, the Conservatives and Radikale Venstre.
This model would be more stable numerically. With these parties, a government could reach around 93 seats, giving it a comfortable parliamentary majority. It would also bring together several of Denmark’s traditional government-bearing parties and reduce dependence on the outer wings.
But the political obstacles are serious. Venstre and the Conservatives have little appetite for becoming junior partners in another government led by Mette Frederiksen. At the same time, it is difficult to imagine the Social Democrats entering a government without the prime minister’s office, especially as they remain the largest party.
The Social Democrats would also prefer to bring SF into a government, after SF’s strong election result. But SF has rejected the idea of governing with Venstre and the Conservatives, while Venstre and the Conservatives do not want to sit in government with SF.
This makes the broad centre model both attractive and blocked. It may be the most stable outcome, but it requires several parties to explain to their voters why they are repeating or expanding a type of cooperation that proved costly in the election.Lund Poulsen must prove whether the right has a real alternative
Lund Poulsen’s immediate task is not simply to form a government. It is to prove whether the right and centre-right can produce a credible alternative to Frederiksen.
That is difficult because the blue camp has no clear internal hierarchy. Venstre remains the largest party on the right, but only narrowly and after its worst election result ever. Liberal Alliance and Dansk Folkeparti both gained ground and have stronger ambitions. The Conservatives want influence, while the Moderates still define themselves as a centrist party rather than as part of a traditional blue bloc.
This means Lund Poulsen must do two things at once. He must negotiate across blocs, while also testing whether his own side can agree on leadership, policy and parliamentary discipline.
If he fails quickly, it will strengthen the argument that there is no viable blue alternative. If he makes progress, he could change the balance of the entire government formation process.The real dilemma is between clarity and viability
Each scenario gives Lund Poulsen something, but also takes something away.
A blue government would give political clarity, but may lack stability. A blue-plus-centre model could improve the numbers, but creates deep ideological contradictions. A broad centre government could offer durability, but would be hard for both Venstre and the Social Democrats to sell after the punishment they received at the election.
That is why Lund Poulsen’s mission looks so difficult. The problem is not that there are no possible coalitions. The problem is that every possible coalition contains a contradiction large enough to break it.What happens now?
The first days of talks will show which scenario Lund Poulsen wants to test first. He may begin with the blue track, if only to establish whether it is possible. If that fails, the pressure will increase for a broader centre solution.
The most important question is whether any party is ready to move from its public position. Dansk Folkeparti would have to soften its resistance to the Moderates. Venstre and the Conservatives would have to reconsider a broader arrangement with the Social Democrats. The Moderates would have to decide how far right they are willing to go. And the Social Democrats would have to decide whether staying near power is worth another difficult compromise.
For now, Lund Poulsen has the mandate. What he does not yet have is a government model that looks both politically coherent and numerically secure. That is why his new role may be less a path to power than a test of whether Denmark’s fragmented parliament can still produce a stable government.
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Direi sia riassumibile con la progressiva conquista italiana dell’Europa in termini di usi e costumi istituzionali.
Erdogan sta giusto in questi minuti completando il colpo di stato arrestando il capo del principale partito di opposizione
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Perlomeno rafforzasse il suo potere di governo contro un nemico esterno, come Israele, questa distorsione produrrebbe qualcosa di utile.
cmq sbaglio o siccome Sánchez non è stato particolarmente “diplomatico” nel non allinearsi lo stanno soft-golpando ? 
En passant, la Crucchia ha perso l’elezione per il seggio nel consiglio di sicurezza dell’ONU 
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possono rifarsi col board of superevils
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Stavo per venire a postarlo io.
Ogni tanto una buona notizia (Cit.)
La Russia perde anche l’Armenia:
Ha vinto il partito pro-europeo.
Quanti successi di Putin in una manciata di anni.
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Scusate, ma che cazzo c’entra l’Armenia con l’Europa?
Dal poco che so, l’Armenia vuole staccarsi dall’influenza russa (con tutti i rischi correlati; Putin non più tardi di una settimana fa li ha minacciati che avvicinarsi all’Occidente li metteva sullo stesso percorso dell’Ucraina) e avvicinarsi di più al blocco europeo.
È più uno shift geopolitico più che una vera intenzione di unirsi formalmente all’EU[*]
Edit - [*] Ah no, mi sbagliavo, è anche quello.
Pashinyan supported the initiative,[8] and on 26 March 2025 Armenia’s parliament adopted the EU Integration Act which officially endorsing Armenia’s EU accession, with a majority of 64 parliamentarians voting to approve it.[9] The bill calls on the Armenian government to begin the process of joining the EU,[10] making the European integration of Armenia formally part of Armenian legislation.[11][12] Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan confirmed that the country would go ahead with its plans to join the EU in spite of warnings from Russia.[13]
Dall’invasione dell’Ucraina lo shift verso l’occidente è aumentato.
Ci mancherebbero solo paesi caucasici assieme a quelli balcanici nell’Unione Europea per complicare il quadro.
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